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  The market for tourism in remote areas is booming as never before. Countries all across the world are actively promoting their ‘wilderness’ regions — such as mountains, Arctic lands, deserts, small islands and wetland — to high-spending tourists. The attraction of these areas is obvious: by definition, wilderness tourism requires little or no initial investment. But that does not mean that there is no cost. As the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development recognized, these regions are fragile (i.e. highly vulnerable to abnormal pressures) not just in terms of their ecology, but also in terms of the culture of their inhabitants. The three most significant types of fragile environment in these respects, and also in terms of the proportion of the Earth’s surface they cover, are deserts, mountains and Arctic areas. An important characteristic is their marked seasonality, with harsh conditions prevailing for many months each year. Consequently, most human activities, including tourism, are limited to quite clearly defined parts of the year.

  偏遠(yuǎn)地區(qū)的旅游市場(chǎng)從未曾像現(xiàn)在這么火爆。世界各國(guó)都積極地向高消費(fèi)游客推廣它們的“荒野”地區(qū)——如髙山、極地、沙漠、小島和濕地。這些地區(qū)的吸引力是顯而易見的：從定義上看，荒野旅游只需要很少的或者完全不需要初始投資。但是，這并不意味著發(fā)展荒野旅游不需要付出任何代價(jià)。正如1992年聯(lián)合國(guó)環(huán)境與發(fā)展大會(huì)指出的那樣，這些地區(qū)是非常脆弱的(即：在異常壓力下是極容易被破壞的)，而這種破壞不僅是就當(dāng)?shù)氐纳鷳B(tài)學(xué)而言，而且還會(huì)影響到當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦奈幕Ｔ谝陨戏矫嬉约熬推渌采w的地表面積的比例來說，最重要的三種脆弱環(huán)境是沙漠、高山和極地。這些地區(qū)的一個(gè)重要的特征就是顯著的季節(jié)性，在每年的很多月份里都以惡劣的環(huán)境為主。因此，包括旅游在內(nèi)的大多數(shù)人類活動(dòng)都被清楚地限定在一年中的某些時(shí)候。

  Tourists are drawn to these regions by their natural landscape beauty and the unique cultures of their indigenous people. And poor governments in these isolated areas have welcomed the new breed of ‘a(chǎn)dventure tourist’, grateful for the hard currency they bring. For several years now, tourism has been the prime source of foreign exchange in Nepal and Bhutan. Tourism is also a key element in the economies of Arctic zones such as Lapland and Alaska and in desert areas such as Ayers Rock in Australia and Arizona’s Monument Valley.

  游客來到這些地方是因?yàn)樗麄儽粌?yōu)美的自然風(fēng)景和當(dāng)?shù)厝霜?dú)一無二的文化所吸引。這些地區(qū)與外界隔絕，當(dāng)?shù)刎毟F的政府很歡迎“冒險(xiǎn)游客”的到來，這讓他們獲得了一種新的財(cái)政收人來源，尤其是游客帶來的硬通貨。近幾年來，旅游業(yè)已經(jīng)成為尼泊爾和不丹的主要外匯收入來源。對(duì)于諸如拉普蘭和阿拉斯加等北極地區(qū)和包括澳大利亞艾爾斯巖石地區(qū)和亞利桑那紀(jì)念碑山谷在內(nèi)的沙漠地區(qū)而言，旅游業(yè)也是當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)的主要來源。

  Once a location is established as a main tourist destination, the effects on the local community are profound. When hill-farmers, for example, can make more money in a few weeks working as porters for foreign trekkers than they can in a year working in their fields, it is not surprising that many of them give up their farm-work, which is thus left to other members of the family. In some hill-regions, this has led to a serious decline in farm output and a change in the local diet, because there is insufficient labour to maintain terraces and irrigation systems and tend to crops. The result has been that many people in these regions have turned to outside supplies of rice and other foods.

  一旦某地被確定為主要的旅游目的地，當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣?huì)就會(huì)受到深遠(yuǎn)的影響。例如，如果農(nóng)民在一 周內(nèi)為游客搬運(yùn)行李所賺的錢比他們 種一年的田賺的還要多， 他們當(dāng)然會(huì)放棄農(nóng)活， 而這些 農(nóng)活就留給了其他家庭成員來做。在一些山區(qū)，這導(dǎo)致農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)大規(guī)模萎縮，也導(dǎo)致當(dāng)?shù)厥? 品結(jié)構(gòu)發(fā)生變化，因?yàn)闆]有足夠的人手來耕地、澆灌農(nóng)田或者照顧莊稼。結(jié)果使得該地區(qū)的 很多人都向外界尋求大米和其他食物供給。

  In Arctic and desert societies, year-round survival has traditionally depended on hunting animals and fish and collecting fruit over a relatively short season. However, as some inhabitants become involved in tourism, they no longer have time to collect wild food; this has led to increasing dependence on bought food and stores. Tourism is not always the culprit behind such changes. All kinds of wage labour, or government handouts, tend to undermine traditional survival systems. Whatever the cause, the dilemma is always the same: what happens if these new, external sources of income dry up?

  在北極和沙漠地區(qū)，傳統(tǒng)上，全年的生計(jì)都依賴于在相對(duì)較短的季節(jié)里所進(jìn)行的捕獵、 捕魚和果實(shí)采集活動(dòng)。然而，由于某些居民從事旅游業(yè)，他們沒有時(shí)間再去采集野生食品， 這使得人們?cè)絹碓揭蕾囉谠谏痰昀镔?gòu)買食品。 這些變化也不能全都?xì)w罪于旅游業(yè)。 各種有償 勞動(dòng)和政府發(fā)放的物資都將破壞傳統(tǒng)的生存方式。不管原因是什么，困境卻只有一個(gè)：如果 這些新的外來收入資源枯竭了，該如何是好?

  The physical impact of visitors is another serious problem associated with the growth in adventure tourism. Much attention has focused on erosion along major trails, but perhaps more important are the deforestation and impacts on water supplies arising from the need to provide tourists with cooked food and hot showers. In both mountains and deserts, slow-growing trees are often the main sources of fuel and water supplies may be limited or vulnerable to degradation through heavy use.

  游客對(duì)環(huán)境的影響是另一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的問題。人們大都會(huì)關(guān)注主要鐵路沿線的土壤腐蝕問 題，但更嚴(yán)重的問題是亂砍濫伐，還有對(duì)水源供給所帶來的影響，因?yàn)楫?dāng)?shù)厝诵枰獮橛慰吞? 供食物和洗澡用的熱水。在山區(qū)和沙漠地區(qū)，生長(zhǎng)緩慢的樹木是燃料的主要來源，水源供給 也會(huì)受到亂砍濫伐的影響。

  Stories about the problems of tourism have become legion in the last few years. Yet it does not have to be a problem. Although tourism inevitably affects the region in which it takes place, the costs to these fragile environments and their local cultures can be minimized. Indeed, it can even be a vehicle for reinvigorating local cultures, as has happened with the Sherpas of Nepal’s Khumbu Valley and in some Alpine villages. And a growing number of adventure tourism operators are trying to ensure that their activities benefit the local population and environment over the long term.

  過去幾年里，旅游業(yè)所帶來的問題越來越多。但是這沒有必要成為一個(gè)問題。雖然旅游業(yè)不可避免地影響著旅游地，這些脆弱的環(huán)境和當(dāng)?shù)匚幕冻龅拇鷥r(jià)可以降到最低。實(shí)際上，旅游業(yè)甚至可以成為加速當(dāng)?shù)匚幕瘡?fù)興的快車，就像尼泊爾昆布山谷的雪帕族和一些阿爾卑斯山的村莊一樣。越來越多的冒險(xiǎn)旅游業(yè)的經(jīng)營(yíng)者正在努力，以便確保他們的活動(dòng)從長(zhǎng)期來看有益于當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣窈铜h(huán)境。

  In the Swiss Alps, communities have decided that their future depends on integrating tourism more effectively with the local economy. Local concern about the rising number of second home developments in the Swiss Pays d’Enhaut resulted in limits being imposed on their growth. There has also been a renaissance in communal cheese production in the area, providing the locals with a reliable source of income that does not depend on outside visitors.

  在瑞士阿爾卑斯地區(qū)，社區(qū)決定他們未來將依靠旅游業(yè)與當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)更有效的整合。瑞士貝伊東地區(qū)對(duì)于持續(xù)增加的別居開發(fā)采取了強(qiáng)制措施以限制其發(fā)展。這個(gè)地區(qū)的公共干酪產(chǎn)量也得到了大幅回升，給當(dāng)?shù)厝颂峁┝瞬灰揽客鈦碛慰偷母煽康氖杖雭碓础?/span>

  Many of the Arctic tourist destinations have been exploited by outside companies, who employ transient workers and repatriate most of the profits to their home base. But some Arctic communities are now operating tour businesses themselves, thereby ensuring that the benefits accrue locally. For instance, a native corporation in Alaska, employing local people, is running an air tour from Anchorage to Kotzebue, where tourists eat Arctic food, walk on the tundra and watch local musicians and dancers.

  很多北極地區(qū)的旅游目的地是被外來公司開發(fā)的。這些公司雇用短期工，將大部分利潤(rùn)轉(zhuǎn)移到自己國(guó)家的公司總部。但是，現(xiàn)在一些北極社區(qū)正在自主運(yùn)作旅游生意，因此能確保增加當(dāng)?shù)氐氖找妗＠纾⒗辜颖镜氐墓竟陀帽镜厝碎_展從安克雷奇到扣贊伯的空中之旅，在那里游客可以吃到北極的食物，走在苔原上，并觀看當(dāng)?shù)匾魳芳液臀璧秆輪T的表演。

  Native people in the desert regions of the American Southwest have followed similar strategies, encouraging tourists to visit their pueblos and reservations to purchase high-quality handicrafts and artwork. The Acoma and San lldefonso pueblos have established highly profitable pottery businesses, while the Navajo and Hopi groups have been similarly successful with jewellery.

  美國(guó)西南部沙漠地區(qū)的當(dāng)?shù)厝艘膊扇×讼嗤牟呗浴Ｋ麄児膭?lì)游客到印第安村莊和保留地參觀并購(gòu)買質(zhì)量上乘的手工藝品和藝術(shù)品。阿科馬和珊以爾德凡索這兩個(gè)印第安村莊發(fā)展了高利潤(rùn)的陶器生意，那瓦侯和候皮這兩個(gè)印第安地區(qū)在珠寶業(yè)方面也獲得了類似的成功。

  Too many people living in fragile environments have lost control over their economies, their culture and their environment when tourism has penetrated their homelands. Merely restricting tourism cannot be the solution to the imbalance, because people’s desire to see new places will not just disappear. Instead, communities in fragile environments must achieve greater control over tourism ventures in their regions, in order to balance their needs and aspirations with the demands of tourism. A growing number of communities are demonstrating that, with firm communal decision-making, this is possible. The critical question now is whether this can become the norm, rather than the exception.

  當(dāng)旅游業(yè)進(jìn)入自己的家鄉(xiāng)時(shí)，居住在脆弱環(huán)境地區(qū)的很多人失去了對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化和環(huán)境的控制。因?yàn)槿藗兿胍娮R(shí)新地方的強(qiáng)烈愿望并不會(huì)消失，所以僅僅限制旅游業(yè)并不能消除這種不平衡。處于脆弱環(huán)境的社區(qū)必須要取得對(duì)旅游業(yè)的更大的控制力，以便平衡旅游業(yè)的要求和當(dāng)?shù)厝说男枨蠛涂释Ｔ絹碓蕉嗟纳鐓^(qū)表明，通過強(qiáng)有力的社區(qū)決策，實(shí)現(xiàn)這種平衡是完全可能的。現(xiàn)在最棘手的問題是這種平衡的實(shí)現(xiàn)能否成為規(guī)范，而不僅僅是特例。

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